The Catalan Referendum explained by Patrizio Rigobon

Photo: Eunews.it

Patrizio Rigobon is a professor and researcher in Catalan language and literature at Ca’ Foscari University of Venice. We have asked for his interpretation of the current situation and a brief overview of the history of the independence movement of Barcelona.

1. What are the specific features of the Catalan referendum? What are the motivations for this wish for separation?
The Catalan referendum on self-determination emerged in 2010 as an expression of popular will, even though the Catalan Parliament had already expressed its view on self-determination of people and nations in 1989. The desire of separation became a political reality when negotiations  on the fiscal pact were interrupted between the Generalitat government and the State in 2012 as not only the party traditionally for independence (ERC Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya) but also Artur Mas’ moderate party called for a referendum on self-determination. It is significant that the so-called “procés” (all the actions structured for independence) interested both left and right wing parties. Before the referendum of Sunday another referendum was voted on November 9th 2014 on three issues that regarded independence. That referendum was also regarded as unconstitutional. To understand the independence tendencies of Catalan politics, one must remember the ruling of the Spanish Constitutional Court in 2010 which made a significative cut to some characteristics of the 2006 Autonomy status that was approved by the Spanish and the Catalan parliaments and ratified by a popular referendum, causing protests and many demonstrations. The appeal on grounds of unconstitutionality was brought by the Partido Popular - the very party of the current Prime Minister Rajoy who is without a doubt one of the persons who are responsible for this situation.

2. Historically have several independence tension climax occurred in Spain?
The Catalan independent republic (as part of the Spanish federal republic) was proclaimed in 1934 before the Spanish Civil war and policy-makers were imprisoned. The current tension is very high for a series of mistakes committed by the current Spanish Prime Minister, Rajoy. This does not entail of course that mistakes were not made by the Catalan authorities who have always found a “no” wall by the central government when trying to establish a dialogue.

3. What is the general academic position on Spain?
The academic position in Spain is divided, but mainly sided with the Spanish government. Many university professors have signed manifestos urging the government to apply the rule of law to stop the “procés” and the anti-constitutional referendum. Other professors in Spain - and mainly in the Catalan context - and around the world have signed manifestos to support dialogue.

4. According to you is Spain going to remain united? Which routes could be politically taken?
Hard to say. The context of international institutions tends to perceive the Catalan question as a Spanish internal affair and Spain is only applying its own Constitution voted democratically in 1978. These institutions only condemned the police violence of the central state. From around Europe voices have been calling for an international mediation that would avoid a potentially dangerous escalation.